
"Go confidently in the direction of your dreams. Live the life you've imagined. As you simplify your life the laws of the universe will be simpler." - Thoreau

I dedicate this poem to my grandfather. May he RIP.
Gone to the Unseen
At last you have departed and gone to the Unseen. What marvelous route did you take from this world?
Beating your wings and feathers, you broke free from this cage.Rising up to the sky you attained the world of the soul.
You were a prized falcon trapped by an Old Woman. Then you heard the drummer's calland flew beyond space and time.
As a lovesick nightingale, you flew among the owls. Then came the scent of the rosegarden and you flew off to meet the Rose.
The wine of this fleeting worldcaused your head to ache.Finally you joined the tavern of Eternity. Like an arrow, you sped from the bow and went straight for the bull's eye of bliss.
This phantom world gave you false signs But you turned from the illusion and journeyed to the land of truth.
You are now the Sun -what need have you for a crown?You have vanished from this world -what need have you to tie your robe?
I've heard that you can barely see your soul.But why look at all? -yours is now the Soul of Souls!
Pouring down like the rain of heavenyou fell upon the rooftop of this world. Then you ran in every direction and escaped through the drain spout . . .
Now the words are over and the pain they bring is gone.Now you have gone to rest in the arms of the Beloved.
Mullahs spoil the party
By Sayed Yaqub
Ibrahimi
August 28 - Religious council bans lavish wedding parties
in Balkh province to prevent locals bankrupting themselves. (IWPR) One of the
first cultural icons to reappear in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taleban
were Wedding Halls - usually gaudy glass palaces that serve as the venue for
what is, arguably, the most important event in an Afghan's life. Weddings, and
the attendant parties, form the backbone of the Afghan social scene. But the
cost of the dinner, music, clothing and other accoutrements of the celebration
have driven many a young man to desperation.
Now, the Ulema, or
religious council, in the northern province of Balkh have come up with a
solution: They have banned most the expensive festivities altogether, provoking
hope and outrage in almost equal measure. In mid-July, the Ulema Shura of Balkh
issued a fatwa: except for one engagement party, they ruled, all celebrations
should be held in the home, to cut down on expenses. "It's like the Taleban,"
grumbled Jamshid, 24, a resident of Mazar-e-Sharif. "We have only one wedding in
our life. It's our dream, and people should be able to spend whatever they want.
It's not up to the government to ban it." But the Balkh government has supported
the Ulema's decision, and is taking steps to enforce it. Copies of the fatwa
have been sent to all hotels, and nailed in a prominent place on their walls.
"This decision is for the good of society, and we support it," said Atta
Mohammad Noor, governor of Balkh. "People are giving parties like competitions,
just trying to show that they can do it. But it disrupts the entire social
system. People have lost their way, and we are trying to bring back a little
order."
This is not a Taleban-style attempt to prevent parties, he
insisted. "People can make a wedding for a few hundred dollars in their homes,"
he said. “The current situation is a disaster. We're just trying to prevent
that." According to the Balkh authorities, two commissions have been formed to
police the ban - one will promote public awareness of the measure, and the
reasons for it; the other will monitor wedding halls to make sure the new rules
are being observed. "If anyone violates the ban, we will not say anything to
them, but we will severely punish the hotel owners," said the governor.
In Afghanistan, weddings are big business. In addition to paying the
girl's father a sum of money as a bride price, most Afghan grooms have to come
up with 5,000-10,000 US dollars for a series of parties, inviting hundreds of
friends and relatives to eat, dance, and celebrate the young couple's good
fortune. In a country where the average wage does not top 100 dollars per month,
the cost of getting married has kept many a young man single well into his 30s.
"I have an income of 200 afghani (about four dollars) a day," complained
Mohammad Latif, a bicycle repairman in Mazar-e-Sharif. Now 35 years old, he has
been engaged for six years, trying to save enough money for the necessary
celebrations. "How am I supposed to find 10,000 dollars for a party? The Ulema
did a good job. When I heard about it, I thought, 'Now I can finally bring my
wife home.’"
According to Mullah Mohammad Sadiq Sadiqatyar, pretentious
parties are against the Muslim religion. "Islam says that overspending is bad,"
he told IWPR. "If you want to get married, it is enough to have one engagement
party. Anything else is banned. These parties have caused disruption within the
society. We see many men who are wifeless, and many girls without husbands. This
is because a wedding party in a hotel will cost at least 5,000 dollars."
Weddings have become a competition, he added. People who cannot
afford the party have to borrow money, saddling themselves with debt they may be
paying off for decades. "It is our responsibility to make people aware
of Islamic rules," said Sadiqatyar. "It is also prohibited for male singers to
perform at women's parties. They should not be present to watch women dancing."
In Afghanistan, the sexes are strictly divided during wedding
celebrations. Men and women cannot dance together in public. This is good news
for the few female musicians in Balkh. "It is time to given women some
opportunities," said Arizo, a female guitarist. "If girls are allowed to sing at
women's parties, it will be a motivating factor for women's music. Many girls
may become musicians. But if men continue to dominate the music scene, there
will be little chance for us to do anything."
Male musicians and hotel
owners were uniformly glum about the fatwa. "We had to go to Pakistan during
Taleban times because music was banned," said the head of one male band, who did
not want to be named. "Now we might have to leave the country again. Since the
fatwa, no one invites us to their parties any more. And even if we do get some
work, they only pay us for the men's party, we cannot play for the women. I have
to make a living, for heaven's sake." Bismillah, the owner of one wedding hall,
was similarly upset. "This is our peak season," he complained. "Everyone wants
to get married before Ramazan. But since this fatwa our business is down by 50
per cent, and I think it will just get worse. What kind of country is this?"
According to Bismillah, the government should ignore the Ulema's
decision. "Otherwise the mullahs will just issue decisions on whatever they
want," he said. Lawyer and politician Kabir Ranjbar welcomed the fatwa, with
reservations. "From my perspective, this is a good decision, and it is for the
good of the people.
Unofortunately, it is illegal," he said The fatwa
violates Afghanistan's constitution, and disrupts the normal legislative
mechanism, he added. "When the government wants to make a law, it has to propose
it to the Wolesi Jirga (Lower House of Parliament)," he said. "Only after the
legislature has approved it can the government implement the law." The Ulema's
decision was arbitrary, he added, and did not correspond to Afghanistan's rule
of law.
"The constitution guarantees freedom to Afghanistan's citizens,"
he said. “No one has the right to deprive people of these freedoms." But the
Ulema is not overly concerned with the constitution. According to Sadiqatyar,
they are answering to a Higher Power. "The rules of God are above everything,"
he said. "We respect the law. But the fatwa we issued is according to the
dictates of God and the sayings of the Prophet. And this is higher than even the
constitution."
By Graeme Smith August 18 - Mr. Rahman, in a soft voice, the unravelling of a tale that starts a decade ago with a child fleeing the slums to find his fortune, and the love that lured him into prison. (Globe and Mail)
"Have you ever heard The saddest story in this prison?"
In the crumbling cell blocks of Sarpoza prison, on the western edge of Kandahar city, the question seems impossible to contemplate. This is a place full of terrible stories, some true and others bred in the imagination of men who survive on little but gruel. But the deputy warden, Nadi Gul Khan, has something specific in mind. He looks over at his friend, Mohammed Nader, who nods in agreement. Mr. Nader, thuggish and meaty, serves as an informal boss in Sarpoza's national-security wing. A prisoner from a wealthy family, he has connections that give him influence in the worst corner of the prison, reserved for accused murderers, kidnappers and Taliban insurgents. Many of the convicts here languish in dark cells where chunks of masonry fall from the ceiling as they sleep.
Mr. Nader has a better room, with a bed, a television, and windows that look out on a garden. His cell is swept clean, his dishes washed, and his tea carefully poured by a little man named Abib Rahman. "Yes, it's true," Mr. Nader declares, solemnly. "My tea boy has the saddest story." Tea boys often suffer in places like this, where the role can require working as a sexual servant for other inmates. Maybe that is why the deputy warden feels it necessary to add: "It involves a girl," he says. "It's a love story."
The prison boss summons Mr. Rahman, and he scurries into the room like a hobbit. Everybody else lounges on cushions, but the young man with downcast eyes takes a spot on the floor.
"Tell your story," the deputy warden says. Mr. Rahman obeys, and begins, in a soft voice, the unravelling of a tale that starts a decade ago with a child fleeing the slums to find his fortune, and the love that lured him into prison. He introduces himself as the 22-year-old son of Mir Alam, of the Amirhil tribe, which makes him an ethnic Pashtun like most others here in southern Afghanistan but without any connections to the powerful tribes that hold sway in this region.
He lived in the slums of Kabul until he was 12 years old, he says, when his family sent him to Kandahar in search of work. The Taliban ruled the city in those days, and jobs were scarce. A rich landowner from Panjwai took pity on the child. The farmer promised to pay Mr. Rahman the equivalent of $50 a month, he says, in exchange for menial work in his fields of wheat and grapes southwest of the city.
The boy moved into the farmer's house and spent his days watering the crops, driving a tractor, and tinkering with the irrigation pumps. A year passed. Mr. Rahman started to feel accepted by the family; the daughters didn't cover their faces in his presence. He felt grateful for the work and the shelter, he says, but he grew worried about the fact that he hadn't yet been paid.
"He was like my father," Mr. Rahman says. "It was hard to talk to him about the money." When Mr. Rahman did broach the subject, the farmer was apologetic, saying he had little extra money. But he did have another kind of wealth: His daughters, which are worth about $5,000 each in southern Afghanistan, where brides are regularly purchased with cash, land, or cattle. The farmer said he noticed that Mr. Rahman had grown friendly with one of his daughters. He calculated that it would take the boy eight years to earn the bride-price by working the land, after which he would give permission for them to marry. "She was a year younger than me," he says, remembering her with a shy smile. "We were children together, we knew each other. We were very happy." Afghans usually keep their families hidden from strangers.
Mr. Rahman declines to say his sweetheart's name, or describe her. He says only this: "She is beautiful." More years passed. The girl started wearing a burka, the concealing blue shroud, after she reached puberty. Sweating in the fields added ropy muscles to the young man's frame. He grew a light-brown beard. The teenagers were no longer allowed to meet in private, because of local traditions, but one night the girl visited the young man in secret. She begged him to take her away from her father's house, he says. She claimed that her mother had given her blessings, and she wanted to escape with him to Kabul. She never gave him details about why she wanted to get away from her father. Horrified, the young man refused. He could not betray the man who had protected him like a parent, he says, and Pashtun tradition forbids marriage against a father's wishes.
Still, he says, the daughter persisted. She would often find ways of getting him alone, sometimes only for a minute, to repeat her request. His willpower started to break when he was 20 years old, he says. Eight years had passed and the farmer showed no interest in a wedding. The daughter visited him again one evening, with a variation on her usual plea. This time she brought a bundle of money, 30,000 Pakistani Rupees, or about $520. She had stolen the cash from her father, she said, and she wanted him to buy a motorcycle.
He picked out a red Chinese motorbike a few days later, paid cash, and stashed away the leftover money for their journey. Still, he hesitated. He told the farmer he'd purchased the bike with gift money from his family in Kabul, and the old man seemed pleased, sending him on errands along the dirt tracks that wind like brown streams around the green Panjwai valley. Two months later, he finally worked up the nerve. The daughter packed a few dresses in a bag; he didn't own anything except the clothes he was wearing.
They drove away at night, up the bumpy paths in Panjwai, onto the paved roads that lead through Kandahar. The city teems with traffic by day, but the streets are empty by late evening and noise of their little bike's engine would have echoed down the rows of shuttered shops. They passed under the arched eastern gates of the city and took the northern fork in the road, puttering across the darkened scrublands. Two hours later they reached Qalat, where truckers often stop on their way to Kabul, and hit a police roadblock. I
It was September of 2005, and police were watching the highways carefully in hopes of preventing any disruption of the upcoming parliamentary elections. As usual in this country, the police also used the checkpoints to enrich themselves. Officers told Mr. Rahman it was forbidden to travel by motorcycle to Kabul because the road was too dangerous; instead, they would give him two seats in a shared taxi and hold his bike for safekeeping. The young man had little experience with such situations, and didn't argue with the officers' logic. The young couple squeezed into an overcrowded taxi, a yellow-and-white Japanese sedan, and reached the capital city the next morning. A cold welcome awaited them in Kabul.
Mr. Rahman had not seen his hometown since boyhood, and his parents had died while he was away. His three brothers were still living at home with their wives and children, a total of 16 people crowded into a modest five-room compound in the city's western slums.
The family was scandalized by his attempt to elope. He introduced the 19-year-old as his future wife, and his brother exploded in rage. "My brother said, ‘You don't have a wife! Who is this woman?' " Mr. Rahman says.
His brothers sent word to the Panjwai farmer that they had located his daughter. The landowner arrived quickly, all smiles, ate lunch with the family and spent a night in their home. In the morning he declared himself satisfied with the Rahman family and gave his consent for a wedding, on the condition that his daughter return home so they could prepare for the celebration.
The daughter wept at this news, Mr. Rahman says, because she didn't want to go back. "I knew he was dishonest, but there was nothing I could do," he says. "I tried to argue with him, but I'm not so strong." Mr. Rahman watched his bride loaded into a car, and saw it disappear into the ramshackle slums. He was penniless, with nothing to show for his labour.
His brothers tried to console him: As a healthy young man with no debts, they said, his prospects were good. The regime of President Hamid Karzai had brought prosperity to the capital; surely he could start again in the new Afghanistan. The young man says he knew that returning to Kandahar wasn't a good idea. By promising a wedding, the farmer had taken back his daughter with a face-saving untruth, and everybody involved knew it. Asking the farmer to make good on his promise would only invite trouble. But Mr. Rahman was in love.
He caught a southbound bus a week later, and showed his naivety by stopping in Qalat to inquire with the local police about his motorcycle. In the course of his explanations about the missing bike, Mr. Rahman mentioned the name of his former employer. One of the officers phoned the farmer, Mr. Rahman says, and moments later he found himself under arrest. He spent the following months shuffled from jail to jail, from Qalat to the secret police headquarters in Kandahar, and onwards to the crumbling prison on the west side of the city. He told his story countless times to police interrogators, he says. The formal charge laid against him was kidnapping, but a prosecutor who listened to his story seemed sympathetic and predicted he would be set free within a month. The poor and powerless often fare badly in Kandahar's justice system, however.
Mr. Rahman says the farmer used his tribal connections to influence the case, and he was sentenced to 15 years in jail. The young man goes silent. The prison cell is quiet for a moment, except for the clicking of the deputy warden's prayer beads. Birds sing in the garden. The prison boss stretches his heavy limbs and settles himself back on his bed with a chuckle at his tea boy's misfortune.
Mr. Rahman stares down at his dirty feet. He is asked whether he regrets coming back to chase after his love, and he looks up with a glance that suggests he couldn't have done anything else. "Everything turned out the way I expected," he says.
Suicide bomber hits Kabul bus as attacks escalate
By Peter Graff and Sayed
Salahuddin, June 17 - A Taliban suicide bomber blew up a police bus in the
Afghan capital on Sunday killing around 35 people, police said, in apparently
the single deadliest bombing to hit Afghanistan since the Taliban were ousted in
2001. (Reuters)
The blast tore apart the bus, wrecked several other vehicles
and scattered body parts in the heart of the city.
"More than 35 are
killed," said Ali Shah Paktiawal, chief of the Kabul police's criminal branch.
"Police officers are among the dead." An Interior Ministry official could not
confirm the death toll, saying around 30 were dead or wounded.
The Interior
Ministry said five of the wounded were foreigners, including two Japanese, a
Korean and two Pakistanis. Earlier reports that foreigners had been killed
proved false.
Eighteen bodies, mostly police officers, and 10 wounded had been taken to
nearby Jamhuriat Hospital, a doctor there said.
There was chaos at the
hospital, where a crowd gathered to check if relatives and friends were among
the dead and injured.
Doctors set up a triage ward in the hospital's front
yard. The body of a police officer lay on the grass, shrouded in a sheet and
surrounded by blood-soaked garments. A male relative wailed into a mobile phone,
while friends tried to console him.
The bomb exploded during the morning
rush hour, at a time when buses are ferrying police officers to their beats.The wreckage was smeared with blood and flesh. An hour after the blast investigators were still moving through the debris picking up human remains.
Police gave different death tolls, ranging from 21 to 35 dead with scores more wounded who were rushed to hospitals across the capital in wailing ambulances.
Hmmm... I was wondering where it all stems from.. read on, i found it very interesting!
An Interview with Maulana
Sami ul-Haq
The Jamestown Foundation (May 23, 2007)
By Imtiaz Ali
Maulana Sami ul-Haq is the director and chancellor of Pakistan's famous
madrassa, Darul uloom Haqqania, Akora Khattak. He has served in this post since
the death of his father, Maulana Abdul ul-Haq, the founder of the madrassa, in
1988. Darul uloom Haqqania is where many of the top Taliban leaders, including
its fugitive chief, Mullah Omar, attended. It is widely believed that the
madrassa was the launching pad for the Taliban movement in the early 1990s,
which is why Sami ul-Haq is also called the "Father of the Taliban." Besides
running his madrassa, Maulana Sami has a long political history as a religious
politician. He was among the founders of Pakistan's Muttahida Muttahida
Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) coalition of six Islamic religious parties. He recently
spoke with Jamestown analyst Imtiaz Ali.
Imtiaz Ali: During the Russian invasion, the students from your
madrassa were traveling to Afghanistan to fight, after which most of them were
eventually inducted as governors and administrators in the Taliban government.
Is the same thing continuing today? Are you still sending people to Afghanistan
for jihad?
Maulana Sami ul-Haq: No, there were not only Taliban who took part in
jihad. This is an incorrect assumption, which needs correction. After the
Russian invasion of Afghanistan, people from all walks of life went to
Afghanistan for jihad. Students from colleges and universities went more than
madrassa students.
IA: But it is an undeniable fact that students who graduated from your
madrassa played a significant role in the establishment of the Taliban regime.
SH: Well, the Taliban were busy in their studies when the factional
wars in Afghanistan reached their climax. Naturally, when the leaders could not
make it, the students had to come to the rescue of the war-torn country. Thus,
the Taliban rushed back to rescue their country from the factional fighting.
Similarly, when America attacked Afghanistan in late 2001, the same event
happened—it is understandable that when infidels attack a Muslim country, then
it is the duty of every Muslim to defend it. Maulana Sufi Muhammad of
Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat- e-Mohammadi (TNSM) also took thousands of people for
jihad, which was a commendable action. The U.S. attack on Afghanistan was a
clear act of aggression and terrorism. But when someone rises up against U.S.
aggression, then he is called a terrorist. It is a strange and illogical
philosophy.
IA: There were reports that the Taliban leadership had called for fresh
reinforcements in connection with its spring offensive in Afghanistan. Is this
true?
SH: These are just baseless reports. Had they called upon the madrassa
students, they would have called us for the reinforcements or at least we would
know. The Taliban are not that organized. They are living in caves. They lack
proper communication and logistics systems, and that is why they do not want new
recruits. The Afghans themselves have risen up and they are fighting against
American and NATO forces.
IA: If they would ask you for help, what would be your reaction?
SH: They would never ask us. We ourselves have not sent students before
nor will we send them now. It is not our madrassa policy to do so.
IA: What would you call the situation in Afghanistan? Is that jihad?
SH: When the red forces of the Soviet Union entered Afghanistan, it was
a war of independence and we all agreed that it was jihad. Even the United
States had said that the Russians must be ousted from Afghanistan. When Russia
left, the United States committed the same aggression. So, the situation is the
same. One infidel force replaced another. No difference at all. Whether it is
Russia or America, it is a jihad.
IA: Some analysts call it a Pashtun uprising. What do you think?
SH: It is neither a Pashtun uprising or a Persian one, or a Sunni
uprising or a Shiite. In fact, the Afghan nation has risen up against the
invaders—the United States and its allies. It is a war of independence. After
the fall of the Taliban regime, the Afghan people remained quiescent for two
years to see if any positive change would come into their lives. But they did
not see anything that was promised to them at the time of the collapsing Taliban
regime and that is why they started this revolt against the occupied forces. It
is now a war of independence for all Afghans. They want to get rid of the
U.S.-led occupation forces. Terming it only a Pashtun uprising is a completely
incorrect assumption.
IA: Do you not consider the Karzai-led government in Afghanistan a
Muslim government?
SH: We have nothing to do with the Islam of Karzai. It is not our
business to issue a decree about him being Muslim or non-Muslim. We just want an
end to the suffering of the Afghan people. We ask the current Afghan rulers to
start negotiations with the Taliban and other jihadi forces to pave the way for
a durable peace in the war-torn country.
IA: It does not matter to you, then, if there is a Karzai-led
government or the Taliban, just as long as it is an Afghan government?
SH: We say that there should be no foreign interference in Afghanistan,
and the Afghans themselves should come up with a solution. All the factions—the
leaders, the Taliban, the jihadi forces—should come forward and work together
for peace. They should decide their fate in the absence of foreign interference.
But I firmly believe that there is no chance for peace and stability in
Afghanistan until the presence of foreign troops is removed.
IA: What are your thoughts on the flow of fighters between Afghanistan
and Pakistan over the Durand Line?
SH: Like I said earlier, it is an Afghan uprising against foreign
invaders and it has nothing to do with cross-border terrorism and the flow of
fighters from Pakistan.
IA: Why, then, has the government decided to fence and plant mines on
the Pakistani side of the border? Do you approve of that?
SH: I oppose this plan because the Pashtun nation on both sides of the
border shares cultural, racial and religious values. Their lives are
intertwined. They are all Muslims. They are one nation. Fencing the border will
not solve the problem. The main reason behind the tension on the Pakistan-Afghan
border is the presence of U.S.-led foreign troops in Afghanistan. The day they
leave Afghanistan, there will be no tension at all.
IA: With the ban on foreign students' admission in the religious
seminaries in 2003 by the government, has enrollment of the students changed in
your madrassa?
SH: That ban is a total violation of our fundamental rights. People
from here go to the United States and the United Kingdom for studies. Similarly,
students from other countries come to Pakistan for education. That was a kind of
service we were providing to the Muslim students from other countries. But this
ban is an unconstitutional, inhumane and unlawful act. The government has taken
this step only to appease the United States and its other Western masters. It is
a shame for us because India is a secular country, but has been issuing visas to
students from all Muslim countries who want to come to India for education.
IA: But there have been accusations that terrorists are being trained
here in the madrassas.
SH: This is nothing more than an example of the perpetual propaganda
against the madrassa system. This is what we have been hearing, but so far no
one has produced any solid evidence.
IA: The mystery has always been shrouded by the lack of an audit of the
money being received by madrassas, correct?
SH: We are not bound by the government to audit our funding system
because they do not give us any money. First, let them give us funds for running
our madrassas and then we will let them have their audit. Why are they taking
pains when they are not giving us a penny? Only those who give us financial
support have the right to audit our funds. We have our system of donations and
we do not accept any donations from the government. I also want to make it clear
that we keep a record of all our donations and funding. The funding is being
registered and we prepare annual reports and then those reports are printed
along with the names of the donors.
IA: Who gives you the donations for running this big madrassa?
SH: Common Muslims. And the majority of the funding comes from the
poorer classes of society. They know that madrassas are the forts of Islam and
the students in madrassas are the real guardians of Islam. God's religion is
flourishing in the madrassas. These people cut their meager domestic budget and
give us donations. This is how they express their love of Allah almighty and
save the integrity of these madrassas.
IA: Is Musharraf validated in meddling with religious issues
considering he is supposed to be the leader of a secular government?
SH: He has been doing all this just to appease the United States and
his other Western masters.
IA: To what extent could a nuclear Iran pose a potential threat to the
strength of Pakistan?
SH: Iran is not a threat to Pakistan at all. Iran is giving the United
States a tough time in the region and seems quite determined to acquire nuclear
power status. Muslims all over the world are happy about this move because there
should be someone who has the courage to demonstrate the religious strength to
look into the eyes of the United States. We support Iran. Besides, we would not
allow the Pakistani leadership to toe the U.S. line in dealing with Iran, as
they have done in the case of Afghanistan.
IA: There has been speculation that Iran has ambitions for a "Shiite
Crescent" in the Middle East. What is your opinion of this?
SH: This is U.S. propaganda aimed at dividing the strength of Muslims.
The Shiite-Sunni issue has been created by the United States just to hide its
failure in Iraq and to achieve its goals in the Middle East. Besides, the United
States is also creating poisonous propaganda against Iran for intervening in
Iraq's affairs just to malign its position in the world community. It is
baseless. I was in Iran two months ago where I held meetings with the top
Iranian leadership. I urged them to counter U.S. propaganda and try to satisfy
Kurds, Arabs and Sunnis. I clearly told them that if you [Iran] need the support
of the whole Muslim ummah, then you have to garner support against the United
States, not only from Shiites but also from Sunnis.
IA: What do you think of Lashkar-e-Jangvi, TNSM and other jihadi
outfits in Pakistan?
SH: Lashkar-e-Jangvi and similar organizations are the continuity of
the Kashmir problem. These jihadi forces were patronized by the Pakistani
intelligence agency, the ISI, with full state support for their activities in
Kashmir. But when Pakistan came under immense pressure, then this whole drama
was wrapped up and that is why a ban was put on these jihadi organizations. It
is all a dictated policy from the West.
IA: What do you think about the latest spate of suicide bombings in
Pakistan?
SH: This is not a surprise. This new suicide phenomenon in Pakistan is
the direct outcome of the government's policies, particularly the unjust
military operations in the tribal belt along the Afghan border. Today, Pakistani
forces are at the highest level of danger and risk due to the flawed policies of
General Musharraf in the name of fighting the so-called war on terror. This is
what I had forewarned about in the past, that if the government did not stop
these unjust military operations, then attacks on military posts and violence
would not be confined to the tribal areas, but will spread to the rest of the
country. Today, you see that this is happening.
IA: Do you think that suicide attacks are fair?
SH: The bombers would not ask us to confirm whether it is fair or
unfair. It is better you ask this question to the suicide bombers, whose family
members have been killed and houses have been bombed. They themselves decided
what they had to do. They would not ask any mullah. But they do think that they
will go straight to paradise.
IA: Who do you think these bombers are?
SH: They are young and emotional Muslims. When they see that their
leaders have surrendered to the United States and its allies, then they do not
see any other way out except for the option of suicide bombing. Among them are
students of modern universities who see how the Western powers are destroying
Muslims around the world. Suicide bombing is an international phenomenon now.
These young people do not receive any suicide training or motivation in a
madrassa or a mosque. They watch it on their TVs—the dead bodies of Muslim
brothers. They see that Muslims are being killed in various part of the world.
When they see these atrocities, they go their own way. If the international
community wants to put an end to this kind of activity, it is high time for them
to ponder solutions to issues like Palestine, Iraq and Kashmir.
IA: Besides your madrassa role, how do you see your role as a
politician in the political field?
SH: My role is very clear as a madrassa teacher as it is as a
politician. I want a true Islamic system in Pakistan. That is my simple goal.
The current Pakistani system of governance was introduced by the British Raj,
which means we are still enslaved by that colonial legacy. Our economy,
education and judicial system stem from the same exploitative British rule. I
want to introduce real Sharia, which was implemented by the four caliphs of
Islam.
IA: Will you support Musharraf in the upcoming presidential elections?
SH: We have not yet decided about the upcoming elections. But I think
they will be a fraud and a futile exercise in the name of democracy. Elections
are part of democracy, but here they have become a fraud. In my 37-year career
as a politician, I have seen a particular group of politicians from a particular
group of families ruling this country. They have made their own dynasties. Since
the creation of Pakistan, they have just been replacing one another, with no big
change in policies. I am in favor of a bloodless revolution, which would
completely overhaul the existing system. I just wonder, how can a democracy
flourish in the shadow of a military uniform? The present one is a shame of a
democracy.
IA: Do you think that with his support for the war on terror,
Musharraf's popularity has increased or decreased at home?
SH: Absolutely decreased. First, look at the declining popularity of
President Bush in his own country. So, how can Musharraf be popular for his role
in the so-called war on terror? The reports about his increasing popularity are
just rubbish.
IA: Will Musharraf be able to maintain control over Pakistan?
SH: Well, people are not happy with what he is doing here in Pakistan.
The overwhelming majority of the masses are opposing his policies, particularly
the much talked about "enlightened moderation." After bringing changes to the
Hudood laws, now his government might soon amend the blasphemy laws. But he does
not understand that the Pakistani people will sacrifice their lives on the issue
of blasphemy. All these actions demonstrate his unpopularity among the masses.
IA: Is an Islamic revolution a possibility in Pakistan's future?
SH: Anything is possible. But the most important thing to keep in mind
is that the motive behind the creation of Pakistan was the establishment of an
Islamic state for the Muslims of India. Establishment of Sharia is the logical
conclusion of Pakistan's creation.
IA: How do see yourself and your role in the next 10 years, and how can
you contribute to the peaceful revolution you mentioned earlier?
SH: I'll see how events unfold in the future. However, I'm optimistic
that after 10 years, the whole Muslim ummah will have awakened from its deep
slumber; Pakistan is no exception. I think that the vast majority of Pakistanis
will not tolerate what is going on here as silent spectators. Here is also a
lesson for the United States: to learn from what happened to the former
superpower the USSR. It should address the problems of the world in a positive
way and address the sense of deprivation being created in the people of this
region and especially in the Muslim ummah. Things have drastically changed. With
the way they [the United States and its Western allies] inflict cruelties and
damages on the Muslim ummah, there will be a strong response. Now, the Muslims
have awakened. It is time for the United States to act responsibly. Otherwise,
there will be tit-for-tat attacks.
IA: Do you think that the suicide bombing phenomenon is a kind of
awakening?
SH: Look, if you kick a sleeping man, he will not only wake but will
also resist. So, yes, suicide bombing is an awakening. Tell me, where did the
concept of suicide bombing in Pakistan come? We had not heard about any suicide
bombings in the more than two decades of the Afghan conflict. But this is a new
and unbeatable discovery which some Muslim youth have found as an answer to the
cruelties and damages being inflicted on the Muslim ummah.
IA: Can Western governments have a healthy relationship with Pakistan
through foreign aid or development work?
SH: The first step is sovereignty and respect, and only then can
foreign aid work. Until the United States and the West respect the sovereignty
of Muslim countries and stop their aggression and atrocities, nothing will work.